[FedCom] Failure to communicate: Inside the army's doomed quest for the 'perfect' radio (JTRS)
lists at lazygranch.com
lists at lazygranch.com
Tue Jan 10 17:02:32 EST 2012
I dumped Milcom years ago due to an excess of necons posting.
Regarding this radio program, the buzzword in the DoD is "mission creep." In the consumer world, it is "creeping featurism." OK, both are two words and one is made up.
Usually, but not universally true, the more things you make a product do, the worse it performs those features. But once DSP came on board, that became less true.
I worked on a comm chip that had a FSK modem that detected frequency by computing the arcsin of the signal, phase unwrapping, and then fitting a linear regression to estimate the frequency. It was as good as a PLL demod, and way better than mark/space filters. If the product, only needed FSK, it would be a stupid approach to the problem. But we had to do DPSK as well, tjough not at the same time, so it merely took a bit more code.
If they had to do these radios today from scratch, I don't think the result would have been so bleak. The big drawback to digital solutions is power.
-----Original Message-----
From: bernieS <bernies at netaxs.com>
Sender: fedcom-bounces at mailman.qth.net
Date: Tue, 10 Jan 2012 16:42:16
To: Discussion of Federal Government Communications<fedcom at mailman.qth.net>
Reply-To: Discussion of Federal Government Communications
<fedcom at mailman.qth.net>
Subject: [FedCom] Failure to communicate: Inside the army's doomed quest for
the 'perfect' radio (JTRS)
Sorry for the off-topic posting, but perhaps
someone here who's on the Milcom list can forward it there for me. Thank you.
-bernieS
http://www.iwatchnews.org/2012/01/10/7816/failure-communicate-inside-armys-doomed-quest-perfect-radio
Failure to communicate: Inside the army's doomed quest for the 'perfect' radio
By David Axe
01/10/2012
In mid-November, when the Army asked soldiers to
test and appraise the high-tech communications
devices that came from what’s left of the JTRS
program, the answers they got were not exactly reassuring.
As several dozen soldiers from the U.S. Army’s
Task Force Rock drove into Afghanistan’s Chowkay
Valley one morning in March 2010, Taliban
fighters immediately began moving into ambush
positions along a higher ridge. The Force’s
mission was to protect a U.S. reconstruction team
as it met with local village leaders, but it was
stuck in place as the Taliban reached their fighting posts.
What tied them down was their radios: a forest of
plastic and metal cubes sprouting antennae of
different lengths and sizes. They had short-range
models for talking with the reconstruction team;
longer-range versions for reaching headquarters
25 miles away; and a backup satellite radio in
case the mountains blocked the transmission. An
Air Force controller carried his own radio for
talking to jet fighters overhead and a separate
radio for downloading streaming video from the aircraft.
Some of these radios worked only while the
troopers were stationary; others were simply too
cumbersome to operate on the move. “Not good,”
said Spec. Geoff Pearman, as he watched farmers
scurry indoors from their wheat fields — a sure
sign that fighting was imminent.
Task Force Rock’s vulnerability that morning is
routine for U.S. forces in Afghanistan today. But
it was never supposed to occur at all.
Almost fifteen years ago, the Army launched an
ambitious program, the Joint Tactical Radio
System, aimed at developing several
highly-compatible “universal” radios. Together,
the JTRS radios would replace nearly all older
radios in the American arsenal, greatly
simplifying communications and freeing up combat
units “to tap into the network on the move,”
according to Paul Mehney, an Army spokesman.
But JTRS, pronounced “jitters,” failed to live up
to its promise. Overly ambitious, poorly managed
and saddled by incompatible goals, the program
burned through $6 billion dollars while producing
little working hardware. Delays forced the Army
to spend $11 billion more on old-style radios to
meet the urgent demands of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.
The Army eventually reduced the planned purchase
of JTRS radios and cut the types of radios in
development. In October, it canceled the
vehicle-mounted version of JTRS, the most
important of the new radios, which by then had
grown to the size of a dormitory-sized
refrigerator. For all practical purposes, JTRS is
dead — at least in its original guise.
But the need for simpler battlefield
communications remains. After an investment of 15
years and $17 billion, today the Army is still
struggling to build better radios and estimates
it may need to spend another $12 billion to get
what it needs. The U.S. taxpayer has paid the
bill, but frontline soldiers like those from Task
Force Rock bear the true cost.
JTRS’ history is one of grand but naive
technological ambition colliding with the
unbending laws of physics and the unforgiving
exigencies of modern warfare. After years of
work, the Army discovered for itself what experts
had been warning all along: It’s impossible for a
single radio design to handle all the military’s
different communications tasks.
The more capabilities that the Army and prime
contractor Boeing packed into JTRS, the bigger,
more complex and more expensive it became — until
it was too bulky and unreliable for combat. In
its relentless drive for conceptual simplicity,
the Army found itself mired in mechanical complexity.
The Army wasn’t alone in its doomed pursuit of a
technological pipe dream. The past decade has by
many accounts been an era of grand ambition,
flawed management and wasted treasure for all the
military branches. A lengthy Harvard Business
School study for the Pentagon concluded in April
that despite many attempts at reform, “major
defense programs still require more than 15 years
to deliver less capability than planned, often at
two to three times the planned cost.”
But the Army has arguably had more failures than
other services. An internal report in 2010 noted
that every year since 1996, the Army has spent
more than a billion dollars annually “on programs
that were ultimately cancelled” – including 15
cancelled since 2001. More than a third of its
weapons development funds over the past seven
years were spent on weapons systems deemed unusable in the end.
“I feel sorry for the Army,” said Thomas
Christie, the Pentagon’s top weapons tester from
2001 to 2005. “Everything they’ve touched has turned to crap.”
Now the Pentagon faces a round of budget-cutting.
So if the Army is to acquire new radios to keep
its forces moving, it must do so on the cheap.
That means reforming the vast, slow-moving
bureaucracy entrusted to developing, testing and
buying new military gear — a goal the Army is
finally taking steps to reach. But it also means
separating the good ideas from the bad ones at
the outset, an ability that independent experts
say continues to elude the world’s most powerful ground fighting force.
A Program Born in Frustration
The Army’s latest plan for overhauling its
battlefield communication system was forged after
the ground war to liberate Kuwait from the Iraqi
Army in February 1991. While preparing for the
lightning Left Hook drive north and east in
southern Iraq, Pentagon planners were frustrated
by their need to decide everything in advance
because of the Army’s inability to communicate well on the move.
They developed a plan to create a “cyberwar”
force on the battlefield, upending a tradition
that only leaders carry radios, and information
flows not between individuals, but between
squads, platoons, companies, and other units.
Instead of merely pointing their rifles and
scanning with their eyes, every soldier in the
networked force would be an information node with
his own cameras, GPS tracker and radio, all
communicating perfectly with others.
The Army formally started the program in 1997,
calling it the “Joint Tactical Radio.” The JTR —
the “S” for “System” was soon added — was to be
compatible with all previous Army radio models
plus almost every radio used by the Marines, Air
Force, Navy and even civilian organizations such as local police departments.
The architecture was meant to be flexible,
matching the communications needs of every
imaginable user, from an individual private
soldier lugging a rifle across the battlefield to
top generals in their high-tech headquarters deep
inside friendly territory. JTRS would even work in space.
The new radio, moreover, was a key component of
an even more ambitious program — a collection of
new lightweight armored vehicles and
weapons-carrying robots collectively known as the
Future Combat Systems. They would be fast-moving,
widely-spread and plugged into a vast information
network. Each would carry its own JTRS radio, as
would every soldier riding inside.
After a series of war games to refine the
cyberwar concept, in June 2000 the Defense
Department awarded Chicago-based Boeing,
America’s number-two defense contractor after
Lockheed Martin, a $2-million contract to begin
preparing JTRS blueprints. By Pentagon standards,
it was a tiny contract. The overall JTRS program,
including design and production, was expected to
cost at least $6 billion over the first 10 years
— and up to $40 billion by the time every last
JTRS radio was bought, many years later.
For Boeing, that first contract was a foot in the
door for both JTRS and Future Combat Systems,
which by itself was expected to cost at least
$120 billion over a period of decades. Boeing was
not an experienced radio maker, nor did it
manufacture armored vehicles. But the company
sold itself to the Army on the strength of its
intellectual prowess and management skills,
stressing in a press release its “proven
experience in large-scale system design, development and deployment.”
A little over a year later, 9/11 opened the
floodgates for defense spending. After a series
of high-level Pentagon meetings in 2002, the Army
got a green light to give Boeing the major
contracts for both JTRS and Future Combat
Systems. Under the latter contract, Boeing was to
receive 10 to 15 percent profit margins,
regardless of the program’s success or eventual cost.
During the review, Christie, the Pentagon’s top
weapons tester, warned top officials that the
Army’s plans were unrealistic. “I said there’s no
way this is going to happen,” he recalls. “But
they got the go-ahead anyway, by claiming there was little technical risk.”
One Size Does Not Fit All
The Army figured it would need 230,000 copies of
the main JTRS radios to replace 750,000 of its
older radios and lighten unit commanders’ loads.
The other military branches together would buy
another 90,000 or so radios, and they would all
connect with a quarter-million related devices.
The new radios had to be phased in gradually due
to manufacturing constraints, which meant each
JTRS radio had to be compatible not only with
other JTRS radios and the radios belonging to the
other armed services, but also with all the Army’s old-style radios.
Achieving such broad compatibility posed a
daunting challenge. Traditionally, the size and
shape of military radios is determined by their
task. A vehicle-mounted radio piping in data from
some distant headquarters is large enough to
accommodate a larger antenna, more processing
power and more sophisticated encryption. A radio
for an infantry squad is small enough for one man
to carry; it has less range, power and encryption.
In addition, radios must be equipped to interpret
particular radio “languages” known as a
“waveforms,” tailored for specific types of
transmissions. Some are better for moving data;
others are better for voice or a mix of data and
voice. The Army wanted JTRS to be compatible with
the 30 or so most important military waveforms,
including several ideally suited for the new
radios. But it gradually grasped that it was
impossible for a single radio design to handle all tasks and all waveforms.
“There’s no one-size-fits-all,” admits Brig. Gen.
Michael Williamson, who since March has overseen
the rapidly fading JTRS program. So JTRS split
into several sub-programs between 2000 and 2004,
each developing a different version. Boeing
handled the bulk of the work in California and
Missouri, but other defense contractors –
including BAE Sytems in New Jersey and Rockwell
Collins in Iowa -- got slices, as well. There
were sea-, air- and space-based versions.
The ground-combat branch settled on one major
JTRS radio, the so-called “Ground Mobile Radio”
meant for vehicles, plus a smaller version for
small units marching on foot, and the handheld
version for individual soldiers. The ground radio
was the main focus, a key to getting Army units
talking on the move to each other, to aircraft
overhead, to the Navy offshore and to senior commanders far away.
“JTRS would largely lift the fog of war,” Loren
Thompson, an analyst with the Lexington Institute
in Virginia, crowed on his blog in December 2010.
The Lexington Institute receives funding from
Boeing and other military contractors, and
Thompson now describes JTRS as “a mixed bag.”
JTRS’ collapse began when reality intervened,
after unit commanders in the 2003 U.S. invasion
of Iraq struggled to stay in contact while on the
move. Just as the Army’s war needs expanded the
demand for innovation, software problems with the
new radios slowed testing. So the Army had no
choice but to buy non-JTRS radios from other
manufacturers -- 300,000 radios in all, worth nearly $11 billion through 2006.
Frustrated by the delays and freshly equipped
with new copies of old-style radios, the Army
began losing its appetite for JTRS. Between 2006
and 2008, the Army scaled back its JTRS
purchasing plans by 20 percent and decided the
new radio would understand just eight waveforms instead of 33.
The reductions shaved billions of dollars off the
cost of developing JTRS, but also increased the
overall pricetag for each one, including research
and development expenses. The Army suddenly
expected to pay up to $300,000 for each JTRS
ground radio — roughly double its estimate in
2002. By comparison, a factory-fresh,
vehicle-mounted, non-JTRS radio from another
major military supplier, the Harris Corp., costs just $57,000.
Technical Problems Worsen
The technical challenges of transmitting huge
amounts of data over complex new waveforms became
so acute that in 2005, the Army briefly ordered
Boeing to stop work on JTRS. But the Pentagon has
a hard time cancelling any program – often
because the contracts it signs impose steep
penalties on the government for any major change
of heart -- and so the Army decided to reorganize
the management office while allowing Boeing to proceed.
The program did not improve. Col. Dan Hughes, who
oversaw ground radio development between 2006 and
2009, watched the radio grow in complexity and
cost, while continually missing design deadlines.
“We tried to make it better and better and
better,” he says. But in the first two years
after full-scale development was approved, the
number of pages in the blueprint for the ground
radio design tripled, according to a Government
Accountability Office report in 2005. The radio
also tipped the scales at 207 pounds — several
times the weight of existing radios.
Plans to hand over prototypes to the troops for
realistic testing got bumped back one year, then
two, then three. With each delay, the Army was
forced to buy more old-style radios for soldiers
in Iraq and Afghanistan. Manufacturers took the
opportunity to upgrade their existing radio
designs with enhanced processors, software and
encryption and new waveforms, bringing them closer to the ground radio’s specs.
The Harris firm tweaked one of its popular radios
to accommodate the main JTRS waveforms, and
quickly sold 16,000 of the new radios, mostly to the Army.
Then, in 2010, the Army assembled 1,000
battlefield veterans at a desert training range
at Fort Bliss, just outside of El Paso, to try
out the key bits of JTRS technology. They
criticized its size, its weight, its short range
and its tendency to break down. Michael Gilmore,
the Army’s top weapons tester, cited the
soldiers’ complaints in testimony before the
House Armed Services Committee. He said the
ground radio “demonstrated little military utility.”
Meanwhile, the federal government’s ballooning
deficits prompted several rounds of defense cuts
that shaved billions from the Army’s research and
development accounts. Future Combat Systems was
killed first, around the same time the evaluation troops were testing JTRS.
In October, the Army also canceled the ground
radio. “The technical challenges of mobile, ad
hoc networks and scalability were not well
understood due to the immaturity of technology at
that time,” Acting Under Secretary of Defense for
Acquisition, Technology and Logistics Frank
Kendall explained in letters to the chairmen of
the congressional armed services committees, Sen.
Carl Levin (D-Mich.) and Rep. Howard McKeon (R-Cal.)..
Aspects of the overall JTRS program survive. The
two main JTRS waveforms are still in development.
So are the air-, sea- and space-based versions of
the radio, plus some of the smaller Army models —
in particular, the soldiers’ hand-held version.
“We don’t want more monolithic programs,” says
Col. John Morrison, who oversees the Army’s
network-based battle-command efforts. Under the
best of circumstances, the GAO estimates, the
radios will cost another $12 billion to complete.
Although the Pentagon sometimes tries to recoup
money invested in failed weapons, in the case of
the ground radio, the Army said it would simply
allow the Boeing contract, which was good through
2012, to lapse. Boeing would not be paid to
continue ground-radio work — nor would the company be penalized.
A spokesman for Boeing, Matthew Billingsley,
declined to say if the nonpublic contract allowed
for the company to be penalized. He said that
Boeing was disappointed at the program’s
cancellation, and that the company looked forward
to “applying our experience and knowledge in future competitions.”
Task Force Rock, anchored to the floor of
Afghanistan’s Chowkay Valley by its radios in
March 2010, was lucky. It escaped an attack by
fleeing the valley under the cover of U.S.
helicopters firing white phosphorus rockets.
Burdened with radios the Army has spent more than
20 years trying to replace, other American combat units might not be so lucky.
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